eng

Afghanistan, Farsi, اخبار, افغانستان, تیتر دوم

طالبان یک تن را در پکتیا قصاص کردند

طالبان روز چهارشنبه حکم قصاص را بر یک تن در ملاء عام در یک میدان ورزشی ولایت پکتیا اجرا کرده و او را با شلیک گلوله اعدام کردند. مقام‌های محلی طالبان در ولایت پکتیا روز گذشته در فراخوان عمومی از مردم خواسته بودند که برای تماشای اجرای حکم قصاص به میدان ورزشی شهر گردیز حضور یابند. دادگاه عالی طالبان با نشر اعلامیه‌ای گفته است که این مرد به نام محمد ایاز باشنده اصلی ولسوالی میرزکی ولایت پکتیا بوده است. به گفته محکمه طالبان، این مرد متهم بود که یک تن را با شلیک گلوله به قتل رسانده است و به این اتهام مجرم شناخته شد. در اعلامیه این دادگاه آمده است که در مراسم اجرای حکم قصاص مقام‌های طالبان به شمول سراج الدین حقانی سرپرست وزارت داخله،‌ و خلیل الرحمان حقانی سرپرست وزارت مهاجرین و دیگر مقامات طالبان حضور داشتند بر بنیاد تصاویر منتشر شده از محل قصاص ، شمار زیادی از باشندگان ولایت یکتیا نیز  برای دیدن قصاص این فرد گردهم آمده بودند. با این حال ،این ششمین مورد از اجرای حکم قصاص توسط طالبان در سه سال اخیر است. طالبان برای نخستین بار پنج ماه پس از تسلط دوباره بر افغانستان، حکم قصاص را بر یک فرد در ولایت فراه در ملاء عام اجرا کردند. شماری از نهادهای حقوق بشری مجازات در محضر عام و تطبیق قصاص از سوی طالبان را توهین به کرامت انسانی میدانند، اما طالبان میگویند که این احکام را براساس شریعت اسلامی تطبیق می کنند.  

Afghanistan, eng, expert2, Uncategorized

In three years, the Taliban have destroyed all 20 years of education

After the withdrawal of U.S. troops from Afghanistan in August 2021, the Taliban rapidly regained control of the country and the government in Kabul. Despite initial promises to respect human rights, the Taliban steadily reimposed its strict interpretation of sharia-based law on the country, including public executions, amputations, and flogging. Since the takeover, those living under Taliban rule have witnessed the regression and reversion of any gains in liberal and democratic rights and freedoms over the last twenty years. The Taliban has imposed harsh restrictions on women’s rights to education, employment, free speech and movement, and dress. Women who have protested have been harassed, threatened, detained, arrested, tortured, and forcibly disappeared. Meanwhile, Afghanistan continues to face one of the world’s worst humanitarian crises, exacerbated by devastating economic shocks and the worsening effects of climate change. These factors have caused widespread displacement, poverty, and food insecurity; an estimated 23.7 million Afghans required humanitarian aid as of February 2024. The Islamic State of Khorasan Province (ISKP), the Afghan affiliate of the Islamic State, also continues to target civilians through bombings and other attacks, contributing to ongoing instability and conflict. Background The Taliban, a Sunni Islamic fundamentalist and predominantly Pashtun movement, controlled most of Afghanistan from 1996 to 2001. In October 2001, U.S. and allied forces invaded the country and quickly ousted the Taliban regime following its refusal to hand over terrorist leader Osama bin Laden in the wake of al-Qaeda’s 9/11 attacks. Following the U.S.-led invasion, Taliban leadership relocated to southern Afghanistan and across the border to Pakistan, from where they waged an insurgency against the Western-backed government in Kabul, Afghan national security forces, and international coalition troops. When the U.S.-led coalition formally ended its combat mission in 2014, the Afghan National Defense and Security Forces (ANDSF) was put in charge of Afghanistan’s security; however, the forces faced significant challenges in holding territory and defending population centers. The Taliban continued to attack rural districts and carry out suicide attacks in major cities, with the ANDSF suffering heavy casualties. The war largely remained a stalemate for nearly six years, despite a small U.S. troop increase in 2017, continuing combat missions, and a shift in U.S. military strategy to target Taliban revenue sources, which involved air strikes against drug labs and opium production sites. The Taliban briefly seized the capital of Farah Province in May 2018, and, in August 2018, it captured the capital of Ghazni Province, holding the city for nearly a week before U.S. and Afghan troops regained control. In February 2020, after more than a year of direct negotiations, the U.S. government and the Taliban signed a peace deal, the so-called Doha Agreement [PDF], that set a timeline for the withdrawal of U.S. troops from Afghanistan. Under the agreement [PDF], the United States pledged to draw down U.S. troops to approximately 8,500 within 135 days and complete a full withdrawal within fourteen months. In return, the Taliban pledged to prevent territory under its control from being used by terrorist groups and to enter negotiations with the Afghan government. However, no official ceasefire was put in place. After a brief reduction in violence, the Taliban quickly resumed attacks on Afghan security forces and civilians. Direct talks between the Afghan government and the Taliban began months after the agreed-upon start of March 2020; however, the negotiations faced multiple delays and ultimately made little progress. Violence across Afghanistan continued in 2020 and 2021 as the United States increased air strikes and raids targeting the Taliban. The Taliban, in turn, attacked Afghan government and ANDSF targets and made significant territorial gains. Civilian casualties across Afghanistan have remained high over the past several years. The United Nations documented a then–record high of 10,993 civilian casualties in 2018. Although 2019 saw a slight decline, civilian deaths and injuries exceeded ten thousand for the sixth year in a row, bringing the total UN-documented civilian casualties from 2009 to 2020 to more than one hundred thousand. Despite another slight decline that year, the first half of 2021 saw a record-high number of civilian casualties as the Taliban ramped up their military offensive amid the withdrawal of international troops. In addition to the Taliban’s offensive, Afghanistan faces a threat from the Islamic State in Khorasan (ISIS-K), which has also expanded its presence to several eastern provinces, increased its activity in Kabul, and targeted civilians with suicide attacks. In April 2021, U.S. President Joe Biden announced that U.S. military forces would leave Afghanistan by September 2021. The Taliban, which had continued to capture and contest territory across the country despite ongoing peace talks with the Afghan government, ramped up attacks on ANDSF bases and outposts and began to rapidly seize more territory. In May 2021, the U.S. military accelerated the pace of its troop withdrawal. By the end of July 2021, the United States had completed nearly 95 percent of its withdrawal, leaving just 650 troops to protect the U.S. embassy in Kabul. In the summer of 2021, the Taliban continued its offensive, threatening government-controlled urban areas and seizing several border crossings. In early August, the Taliban began direct assaults on multiple urban areas, including Kandahar in the south and Herat in the west. On August 6, 2021, the Taliban captured the capital of southern Nimruz Province, the first provincial capital to fall. After that, provincial capitals began to fall in rapid succession. Within days, the Taliban captured more than ten other capitals, including Mazar-i-Sharif in the north and Jalalabad in the east, leaving Kabul the only major urban area under government control. On August 15, 2021, over two weeks before the official U.S. withdrawal deadline, Taliban fighters entered the capital. Afghan President Ashraf Ghani subsequently fled the country and the Afghan government collapsed. Later that same day, the Taliban announced they had entered the presidential palace, taken control of Kabul, and were establishing checkpoints to maintain security. The speed of the Taliban’s territorial gains and the collapse of both the ANDSF and Afghan government surprised U.S. officials and allies—as well as, reportedly, the Taliban itself—despite earlier intelligence assessments of the situation on the ground. Following the Taliban’s take-over on August 15, 2021, the Biden administration authorized the deployment of an additional five thousand troops to assist with the evacuation of U.S. and allied personnel, as well as thousands of Afghans who worked with the United States and were attempting to flee. On August 26, 2021, two suicide bombings outside the Kabul airport killed at least 169 Afghans and thirteen U.S. troops. ISIS-K claimed responsibility for the attacks. August 26, 2021, was the deadliest day for U.S. troops in Afghanistan since 2011. On August 31,

Afghanistan, Economy, eng, expert1

Change in the economic situation after the occupation of the country by the Taliban

The events of August 15, 2021 triggered a sharp contraction and reconfiguration of the Afghan economy and approaches to international aid. Reduced aid drove a steep decline in aggregate demand and widespread disruptions to public services. Afghanistan lost access to the international banking system and offshore foreign exchange reserves as the central bank assets were frozen. Disruption and uncertainty led to sharp declines in investment confidence, and tens of thousands of highly skilled Afghans fled the country. After a severe 20.7 percent GDP contraction in 2021, the Afghan economy contracted further by 6.2 percent in 2022. While Afghanistan’s agricultural and subsistence economy, including illicit opium production, provided some resilience in rural areas, higher prices, reduced demand, lower employment, and disruptions to services had severe impacts across the country. The proportion of households that did not have enough income to meet basic food needs more than doubled from 16 percent to 36 percent in this period. In the context of deep concerns about the policies of the interim Taliban administration (ITA), including restrictions imposed on women and girls, the international community, including the World Bank, recalibrated its approach to supporting Afghanistan: first to providing humanitarian support and then to providing off-budget support for basic service delivery and livelihoods. The rapid deterioration of economic conditions slowed by the summer of 2022. This can be attributed to the end of active conflict and the resumption of international humanitarian and basic service aid beginning in December 2021. The off-budget aid helped some recovery in private sector activity by cushioning falling aggregate demand amid relative political stability and reduced corruption. The interim Taliban administration (ITA) moved to restore domestic revenues, which reached $2.2 billion or 15 percent of GDP in 2022, although still lower than the on-budget $5.2 billion available during 2019. Nevertheless, overall economic activity remained depressed, unemployment stayed high, and the banking sector was dysfunctional due to constraints on international transfers and concerns about liquidity and solvency. Today, Afghanistan’s economic outlook remains uncertain, with the threat of stagnation looming large until at least 2025. The absence of GDP growth coupled with declining external financing avenues for off-budget expenditures paint a bleak picture of the country’s economic prospects. Structural deficiencies in the private sector, coupled with waning international support for essential services, are expected to impede any appreciable economic progress. This economic stagnation will deepen poverty and unemployment, with job opportunities expected to decrease and food insecurity expected to increase. Afghanistan’s long-term growth prospects rely on a significant shift from reliance on international aid and consumption-driven growth to a more resilient, private sector-led economy that capitalizes on the country’s inherent strengths. For a sustainable future, Afghanistan needs to focus on its comparative advantages, particularly in the agricultural and extractive sectors. Agriculture could be a key driver of growth and poverty reduction, with the potential to create jobs. To realize this potential, strategic investments are needed in irrigation infrastructure, land tenure security, research, and market access to enhance agricultural productivity and resilience. These efforts should be supported by investments to strengthen human capital and create the institutional frameworks needed for a conducive business environment.

eng, first, Human Rights, News

European Parliament Passes Resolutions on Human Rights in Afghanistan and Venezuela

In a significant move, the European Parliament has approved two resolutions focusing on human rights concerns in Afghanistan and Venezuela. Afghanistan Resolution Highlights: The resolution expresses grave concern over the deteriorating humanitarian and human rights situation in Afghanistan. MEPs condemn the Taliban’s actions, including the dismantling of the judicial system and the imposition of strict Sharia law. They call for the immediate restoration of women’s rights and full participation in public life. Urgent appeals are made to Afghan authorities to abolish capital punishment and halt public executions. MEPs stress that any engagement with the Taliban must adhere to strict conditions set by the Council and UN recommendations. Venezuela Resolution Overview: In addition to Afghanistan, the European Parliament addressed human rights violations in Venezuela. Concerns were raised regarding repression and the erosion of democratic freedoms in the country. Vote Outcome: The resolution on Afghanistan garnered significant support, with 513 votes in favor, 9 against, and 24 abstentions.

eng, Politics, second

Prospects of the Meeting of Foreign Ministers of Afghanistan

  As the fifth meeting of foreign ministers of Afghanistan’s neighboring countries approaches, all eyes are on Turkmenistan, the host of this gathering. Yoshiyong, the special representative of China for Afghanistan affairs, announced his talks with Ahmad Kakabayevich Gurbanov, Deputy Foreign Minister of Turkmenistan, on X platform. He emphasized that the discussions of this meeting will primarily focus on Afghanistan. While previous meetings, especially the Doha gathering, failed to make significant progress in the Afghan peace process, the Chinese representative expressed hope that the upcoming meeting could yield more positive results. The complex situation of Afghanistan and the role of regional actors in this complexity underscore the importance of carefully examining the expectations from this meeting. Particularly, how China and Iran, who played a vague and non-constructive role in the Doha meeting, approach the people of Afghanistan with a clear and hopeful message in this round is crucial. Meanwhile, some countries, including China, Iran, and Pakistan, are accused of using the Taliban as a tool to advance their interests in the region and as a winning card in international games. However, China’s special representative has emphasized that the failure of the Doha meeting to achieve an effective dialogue with the Taliban should not be an obstacle for further efforts. Considering the challenges ahead, expectations from the Turkmenistan meeting should be grounded in realism. Although previous inefficiencies have led to skepticism, this meeting could serve as a turning point for providing innovative solutions to Afghanistan’s problems and alleviating the suffering of its people. It presents an opportunity to chart a new path that transcends the repetitive patterns of the past, allowing for tangible progress. Among the waves of disappointment, hopes linger that the upcoming meeting can serve as a significant step toward resolving the crisis in Afghanistan by adopting approaches based on respect for human rights and supporting the establishment of a legal and just government. Such a perspective can not only help improve the situation in Afghanistan but also signify the commitment of the international community to ending one of the most complex regional crises. It is hoped that this meeting, by transitioning from repeated statements and symbolic actions, will progress towards practical initiatives and meaningful partnerships, ultimately illuminating the hope in the heart of Afghanistan’s dark nights.

Analysis and reporting, eng, Politics, third

The Taliban’s Rejection: A Diplomatic Victory for the Opposition

After much anticipation, just hours before the Doha Conference on Afghanistan, the Taliban’s Foreign Ministry announced their decision not to participate, labeling the event as “useless”. This stance comes after weeks of discussions between the Taliban and regional and global powers, culminating in high-level consultations within the group’s leadership. The eleventh-hour announcement of non-participation underscores the difficulty the Taliban leadership faced in reaching this decision. Reports suggest the Taliban had set forth conditions for their involvement, including the exclusion appoinment of a special envoy for Afghanistan, arranging a meeting between their foreign minister and the UN Secretary-General, and barring any other Afghan representatives. These conditions were rejected by the United Nations, the conference host. Nevertheless, the conference proceeded today (February 18) with the participation of representatives from nearly 20 countries, albeit without Taliban representation. Six individuals representing Afghan women and civil society were also invited. The critical question arises: Why did the Taliban abstain from attending this conference? The primary condition laid out by the Taliban, following the issuance of UN Security Council Resolution 2721, was the non-appointment of a special representative for Afghanistan. They understand well that such an appointment would signify the initial steps towards engaging in a political process aimed at power-sharing, an outcome they have consistently opposed. Yet, can the Taliban’s insistence on monopolizing power be sustained? It appears unlikely. They must realize that their previous approach of seeking power through force, rather than negotiating with representatives of the former Afghan government, is no longer tenable. With the withdrawal of NATO forces after two decades of war, the western allies no longer face the military pressure in the field, while the global strategic landscape has evolved. Furthermore, the Taliban now bear the responsibility of governing Afghanistan’s nearly 40 million people, necessitating interaction with the international community. Simultaneously, various groups opposed to the Taliban, including exiled jihadi leaders and technocrats based in the West, are actively engaging in discussions and media campaigns, highlighting the Taliban’s inflexibility and advocating for alternative approaches. One potential course of action to mitigate the political fallout would have been to send a lower-level delegation to the conference, yet this did not materialize. With the conclusion of the first day of the Doha conference, public sentiment in Afghanistan is more charged than ever. The recent statement from the Taliban’s foreign ministry, attempting to justify their absence, lacks credibility among the Afghan populace. By opting out of this conference, the Taliban have effectively validated the accusations leveled against them, signaling a disregard for global concerns and the international community’s role in Afghanistan’s future.”

eng, fourth, News, Politics

Statement of like-minded Foreign Ministers of the FFP network -Afghanistan

Today at the Munich Security Conference 2024, we, the Foreign Ministers of Albania, Andorra, Belgium, Bulgaria, Canada, France, Germany, Kosovo, Liechtenstein, Mongolia, the Netherlands and Romania express our deepest concerns about the ongoing human rights violations of women and girls in Afghanistan, and urge the de facto authorities to put an end to systematic gender persecution, which could amount to crimes against humanity. This includes the recent wave of detentions of women and girls in Afghanistan by the Taliban. We demand their immediate release and reaffirm our unwavering commitment to the fundamental rights of women and girls in Afghanistan. Since our last meeting at the Munich Security Conference in 2023, the Taliban have not made any progress on the protection of human rights in Afghanistan, particularly the fundamental rights of women and girls in all their diversity, quite the contrary: The Taliban are responsible for one of the most dire and appalling human rights situations worldwide. By eliminating half of the Afghan population from public life and political decision-making, they put the very future of Afghanistan into jeopardy: Bans on secondary and university education for girls and women as well as bans on women working in NGOs and UN-organizations are striking examples for systematic and systemic discrimination. Strict rules, which violate the freedom of movement of women and exclude women and girls from public spaces, arbitrary detentions of women and cases of forced marriage, are a blatant denial of basic rights of women and girls. We call on the de facto authorities to fully comply with international law, in particular human rights law, safeguard the fundamental rights of all Afghans, including ethnic and religious minorities, and revoke all decisions that restrict the fundamental rights of women and girls in a manner unparalleled worldwide. In particular, we call on the Taliban to allow Afghan girls to pursue secondary education in accordance with international standards. The international community must continue to focus its attention on the human rights of women and girls in Afghanistan. It must reinforce its efforts to use the legal instruments at its disposal in their support, to end violations of international law including the provisions of international conventions to which Afghanistan is a party. We recognize the need to address multiple challenges involving the State of Afghanistan and the wider region, e.g. the fight against terrorism and drug trafficking. We underline the international community’s joint understanding that the adherence to Afghanistan’s international obligations by the de facto authorities, especially pertaining to human rights, remains one of the central pre-requisites for the reintegration of the State of Afghanistan into the international system.

Afghanistan, eng, fifth

Taliban Sets Conditions for Participation in Doha Meeting

Reports from Zawiya News, citing insider sources, indicate that the Taliban has outlined specific conditions for their attendance at the upcoming meeting in Doha, relayed through UNAMA to the UN Secretariat. According to the report, the Taliban is demanding modifications to the meeting agenda, including a dedicated session for their delegation to meet with Antonio Guterres, the Secretary-General of the United Nations, and a refusal to appoint a UN special representative. Sources further reveal that the Taliban insists on commencing peace talks concurrently with the appointment of a UN special representative, a proposition they are presently unprepared to entertain. In a written communication to the United Nations, the Taliban has conveyed these prerequisites, coinciding with the impending Doha meeting in less than four days’ time. As of now, the Taliban has not formally communicated their stance on the matter.  

eng, Women's rights

US Special Envoy Urges Action on Afghan Women’s Rights on International Day of Women & Girls in Science

In a poignant message marking the International Day of Women & Girls in Science, the US Special Envoy for Afghan Girls, Women, and Human Rights highlights the stark reality faced by Afghan women and girls. She calls attention to the systemic barriers preventing them from pursuing careers.She emphasizes the critical need to address these injustices to empower Afghan women and tackle pressing health challenges facing the nation.

eng, Politics

Tensions Rise Ahead of Doha Meeting: A Closer Look at the Complex Equation

Recent developments surrounding the upcoming Doha meeting have added layers of complexity to an already intricate diplomatic scenario. The unveiling of the United States’ strategic document on Afghanistan has cast a shadow over the diplomatic landscape, signaling a potential shift in dynamics rather than a resolution to existing stalemates. Last week’s approval of the State Department’s strategic document hinted at a symbolic return to Kabul through the reopening of a consulate. However, rather than marking the conclusion of tensions, this move is poised to ignite further negotiations and challenges. Meanwhile, the Taliban, despite being extended an invitation to the Doha meeting, have yet to express satisfaction regarding the acceptance of the UN special representative for Afghanistan. This stance underscores the deep-rooted differences and challenges inherent in the peace process. Furthermore, special representatives from various countries have underscored the significance of Afghanistan. However, recent concerns raised by Iran, Russia, China, and Pakistan regarding terrorism and security threats reveal the depth of mistrust between regional stakeholders and the Taliban. The abstention of Russia and China from UN Security Council Resolution 2721, coupled with China’s subsequent acceptance of the Taliban ambassador’s credentials, highlights substantial divergences between regional and Western perspectives. This disparity poses a significant hurdle to achieving global consensus in support of constructive dialogue regarding Afghanistan’s future. The upcoming Doha meeting, under the auspices of the UN Secretary-General, presents an opportunity to mediate and alleviate tensions. However, given the prevailing complexities, the question arises: will this meeting mark a turning point in the Afghan peace process or merely exacerbate existing challenges? Not only is the Doha meeting a litmus test for the Taliban’s political flexibility, but it also serves as an opportunity for the international community to demonstrate effective conflict resolution and reconstruction efforts in Afghanistan through focused and coordinated diplomacy. It could herald the beginning of a new chapter of cooperation and concerted endeavors, provided all parties are committed to finding common ground and constructive solutions amidst escalating tensions between Western powers and regional stakeholders.  

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